A Lifetime of Service

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As set out by the Parliamentary Library in Canberra:

House of Representatives Standing: Library Committee from 26.11.80 to 4.2.83;

Publications Committee from 10.5.83 to 26.5.86 (Chair from 12.5.83 to 26.10.84);

Industry, Science and Technology Committee from 8.10.87 to 19.2.90.

Joint Statutory: Public Accounts from 26.11.80 to 5.6.87.

Joint: Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee from 28.2.85 to 5.6.87; Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade from 20.10.87

(Chairman, Foreign Affairs Sub-Committee from 17.5.90) to 8.2.93

Deputy Chairman, Joint Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee from 8.12.98 to 9.8.99.

CHAIRMAN of the Joint Standing: Migration Regulations (formerly Joint Select) for nearly four years from 15.6.89 to 8.2.93;

Member, Parliamentary Migration Committee from 18.6.96 to 27.6.96 and from 2.9.97 to 9.8.99.

Other Positions in Parliament

Executive Member, Commonwealth Parliamentary Association.

Chairman of the ALP Caucus Committee on Immigration from 1985 to 1993

Parliamentary Representative on the Council of the National Library of Australia from 23.11.98 to 9.8.99.

From Andrew’s Work as Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on Migration: From 1989 to 1993, Dr. Theophanous was Chairman of the Joint Standing Committee on Migration. THE Committee produced several important reports, including the key one dealing with the future of the Chinese Students who were in Australia following the Tiananmen massacre in 1989.

MAJOR ISSUE: THE HISTORIC STRUGGLE TO GAIN PERMANENT RESIDENCE FOR 45.000 CHINESE STUDENTS AND THEIR DEPENDENTS IN 1993.

Andrew strongly supported the students as Chairman of the Joint Standing Committee on Migration regulations. The key events were: in 1989, after the incident at Tiananmen Square in China, Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke promised those Chinese students who were in Australia that they would be granted temporary residence for four years. When this period of time was coming to an end, the then Labor Government had to decide whether all or the majority of the students were to be allowed to stay in Australia permanently. There was much division within the parliament as to whether the students would be allowed to stay. The Government referred the issue for consideration by the Joint Standing Committee on Migration in the Australian Parliament. 1989-1993)

The Role of Dr Theophanous was summed up in a television news program so:

REPORTER: In 1992, this parliamentary Migration Regulations Committee deliberated on whether Chinese students should be allowed to stay permanently in Australia. Chinese community leaders were furiously lobbying for the students to be given permanent residency, but that would require a departure from the usual immigration assessments of someone's suitability for residency on individual merits. The man put in charge of this committee as chairman was Andrew Theophanous.

Three other members of the Committee supported Andrew’s submission that the students should be allowed to stay because that was in line with the intentions of Prime Minister Bob Hawke, and there were special humanitarian reasons in this situation. However, five other members were opposed to it.

From Channel Nine Sunday Program:

REPORTER: A long-standing champion of ethnic issues, Theophanous' support for the students made him a hero in the Chinese community. Feted at numerous student functions, the Victorian backbench MP became a symbol of hope for those Chinese anxious to stay in Australia.

REPORTER: Then, on November 1, 1993, the federal cabinet announced the wonderful news many thousands of young Chinese people had been waiting for years. Months of lobbying had paid off. The cabinet rejected the arguments of most members of the parliamentary committee. It chose instead to go with the dissenting view of Andrew Theophanous. It was a major victory for the backbench MP that stunned many of his colleagues and gave him greater hero status in the Chinese community.

As a result of this decision, 45,000 students and, when we include their dependants, a total of around 120,000 Chinese people gained permanent residence in Australia. Most stayed in Sydney. The vast majority have made a very substantial contribution to Australia in a variety of fields of work.

In November 2013, the Chinese community in Sydney held a major celebration recognising those who had contributed to this success. Special guests were the former Prime Minister Hon Bob Hawke and Dr Theophanous. Both gave a speech to the hundreds of people who attended. Most of the students had made significant contributions to Australian society.

In this capacity, Dr Theophanous produced two other key reports which helped to set directions for Immigration and Refugee policies as adopted by the Hawke Keating Labor Government. The key reports were:

May 1991, Change of Status: Marriage and De Facto Relationships

December 1992, Conditional Migrant Entry: The health Rules

By adopting a genuine philosophy and practice of multiculturalism, we can learn from each other. We can recognise that we are all in the same boat in the search for meaning in our lives. We can accept the role of moderate religious beliefs based on rational debate and the acknowledgement of other people’s points of view. We can accept that a synthesis of ideas in philosophy, religion, and diverse cultural forms can allow us to gain a much greater comprehension of our common frailty and our humanity.

Andrew spoke at a Grand Multicultural Concert, which he organised in honour of Prime Minister Keating, in 1993.

KEY POSITIONS

*As noted above, as Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister on the Access and Equity Program within all departments of the Australian Government (see details above in Section 2)

*As also noted above, as the Chairman of the Joint Standing Committee on Immigration Regulations in the Federal Parliament from 1989 to 1993., three very important reports were produced.

*As the longest-serving ALP Caucus Immigration Committee Chairman, which also covered ethnic and multicultural affairs (1985-93)

In this role, Andrew produced many papers and addressed many organisations on immigration policies, the role of migrants in society, and the development of multiculturalism. His book on the latter topic (see below) has been used extensively in universities and widely quoted. In this role, Andrew also developed very strong links with most of Australia's ethnic communities."

PUBLICATIONS ON MULTICULTURALISM AND IMMIGRATION POLICY:

• MAJOR WORK: Understanding Multiculturalism and Australian Identity, December 1995.

1. THIS Book of 466 pages was well received and used in courses in several universities. Here are from two reviews:

”In this book, Andrew Theophanous addresses the ‘big picture’ issues of culture, nation, identity and the public sphere. His sights range from a broad, philosophical inquiry into the nature of civic pluralism to the detailed logistics of the politics of multiculturalism in Australia… thoroughly researched data, reasoned analysis and a philosophically informed vision of the realm of citizenship”- Professor Mary Kalantzis, formerly James Cook University and now at the University of Chicago USA.

“There is no other definitive book on Australian multiculturalism. Andrew Theophanous has filled this gap with his polemical but thoroughly scholarly work, which I commend” Dr James Jupp, Australian National University.

The question of whether there is any universality in anthropology is critical to the project of genuine multiculturalism. As we have seen throughout this book, multiculturalism is not just a question of respecting diversity, but also of establishing unity in that diversity. Indeed, I have argued that the principles which are the basis of such unity, also act as limits to cultural diversity in the sense that they help us to select certain features of some cultures which become morally and politically unacceptable in a multicultural society. Such a project, however, requires an argument in favour of those elements that do unite us as human beings…

Excerpt from this book: Multiculturalism and the Universal Features of Humanity. The question as to whether there is any universality in anthropology is critical to the project of genuine multiculturalism…

Let me begin with the following assertion: while there is much debate as to what is universal and what is not, there are certain key features of human existence that are indisputably universal and common and which are, therefore, referred to in all such belief systems. Consequently, human beings recognise several universal features which partly constitute the meaning of humanity. These are:

1. Human beings see themselves as entities that are conscious and able to think and act in the world.
2. Human beings find themselves in a material environment in which there is a diversity of things (that is, objects) with which they can interact.
3. Human beings find themselves in an environment in which they recognise the existence of other persons with whom they can and do communicate, especially in the medium of the spoken language.

We can now proceed to consider whether we can say anything universal about the content of different metaphysical frameworks in different societies. My thesis is that all human metaphysical frameworks are concerned with solving certain mysteries that arise from the very situation of human beings, in particular, the fact of death and the mystery of human existence. This is not to deny that many metaphysical frameworks may not also be concerned with other issues, such as the conflict between good and evil and whether human action is free or determined.

I believe that all metaphysical frameworks are concerned with two fundamental dilemmas facing human beings:

1. It is a universal but extremely contingent fact of human beings that they die. Yet we can easily imagine persons who live in a universe without dying… The intense agony raised by the recognition of the inevitability of death is documented in the mythology, literature, religion and other symbolic activities of very disparate human societies.
2. The problem of death cannot be solved without tackling the problem of the nature of humanity. These two questions are inextricably intertwined. Any attempt to answer the first question requires the ascription of some nature to humankind. Thus, if humanity is conceived as a complex entity consisting of body, soul, spirit, etc., then one part of it may survive death while another perishes. No matter what answer to the problem of life and death is given, it is necessarily associated with some view as to ultimate human nature. This relation of the two problems and their solution is found in all the great religions of the world and, I shall claim, in all the metaphysical frameworks of so-called primitive peoples.

The Major Political Parties and Ethnic Affairs: the ALP in Ethnic Politics in Australia, ed. James Jupp, Allen and Unwin, 1984.

Diversity and National Identity in Australia, Halcyon: A Journal of the Humanities, USA, Volume 12, 1990.

The Needs and Means of Combating Racism, in Bringing Australia Together, FAIRA, 1998.

The Attacks on Multiculturalism and Immigration Policy: Can we Reverse the Trend? In M. Kalantzis and B.Cope (eds.) Reconciliation, Multiculturalism, Identities. Difficult Dialogues, Sensible Solutions. Common Ground, 2001.

A selection of Conference Papers presented by Andrew on multiculturalism and immigration issues, several of which have appeared in publications:

Multiculturalism and the Development of Australia, H. V. Evatt Memorial Lecture, University of Adelaide, 1988.

Beyond the Selfish Approach: Environment, Population and Immigration Policy in Australia, National Immigration Outlook Conference, Bureau of Immigration Research, 1990.

Immigration and the Future of Australia, Public lecture at Latrobe University, organised by the Institute of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, April 1991.

Access and Equity in the Role of the Commonwealth Government, Address to the 1995 Global Diversity Conference, organised by the Australian Government, Sydney, April 1995.

Multiculturalism, Social Justice & Active Citizenship, Globalisation and Citizenship: an International Conference, Swinburne University, Melbourne, 8 May 1997.

Immigration and Australia’s Northern development, ELEVENTH Annual Conference, Northern Australia Development Council, Bundaberg, 1987.

The Role of Libraries & Information achieving Access & Equity in a Multicultural Society, New Norica Library Lecture for 1997, New Norcia WA, 18 September 1997.

Combating Racism: Supporting Multiculturalism & Indigenous Rights, National Anti-Racism & Native Title Conference, Brisbane Convention centre, 8 October 1997.

The Attacks on Multiculturalism & Immigration Policy: Can We Reverse the Trend? Paper for The Diversity Conference, University of Technology, Sydney, 2 December 2000.

The Common Objectives in the Indigenous & Multicultural Agendas, Paper for Indigenous Peoples & Racism Conference, University of Sydney, 22 February 2001.

Citizenship, Human Rights and Multiculturalism, Submission to the Senate Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs, March 1994.

Globalisation and the Way Forward for Australian Multiculturalism, Submission to the National Multicultural Advisory Council, 1999.

Andrew hosted many forums on Multiculturalism. Below is a photo of a forum including major luminaries in Multicultural Affairs Hon Al Grassby, father of Multiculturalism in Australia, Dr Bill Cope and Mr David Bitel.

Dr Theophanous was dedicated to Policy Development and Action on Social Justice Issues over 21 years and continues to support these causes to this day.

Andrew's analysis of the philosophy of Social Justice was provided in his book Understanding Social Justice: An Australian Perspective [1st Edition 1993; 2nd Edition 1994]. The book was launched by Prime Minister Paul Keating.

The following from the text outlines Andrew’s overall approach to Social Justice, which follows several political philosophers, in particular the book The Theory of Justice by John Rawls:

There has to be a recognition that social policy can no longer be considered as adjunct to economic policy. Rather, it will play a crucial role in the establishment of new bases for social cohesion and solidarity. A concept of social justice that is relevant to modern society must take account of these changes. It must show how it is possible to achieve a fair and just society in the context of an increasingly integrated and competitive international economic system. It must also show how a unitary concept of social justice can apply to the diversity of views and beliefs that characterise a multicultural society like Australia.

My aim in this book is firstly to develop such a comprehensive concept through an extended philosophical and theoretical discussion of the Western tradition of social justice. Secondly, to evaluate the current situation in Australian society (and in particular, the performance of the Federal Labor Government) on the basis of the comprehensive concept. Thirdly, I wish to suggest ways in which action by governments and by individuals within society can, and should, be directed towards a more just social structure. The achievement of this goal would introduce into Australian society a more active idea of citizenship and a much greater sense of community…

In doing this, I draw on the work of the eminent American philosopher John Rawls and his treatise A Theory of Justice. Hence, in Chapter V, I proceed by considering Rawls' two principles of justice by demonstrating how his idea of a just social structure can be applied to a modern Western state; this gives an outline of the basic features of a just social structure for a modern society. I then expand the discussion of Rawls' theory by analysing it in the context of the concepts of human rights, citizenship and self-respect.

In Chapter VI, I outline the four basic elements of social justice. These are:

(i) a minimum income for all to ensure that everyone has the opportunity to participate fully in society;

(ii) the importance of universal social rights such as health, education, housing and employment;

(iii) access and equity to all Government services and societal resources for all people regardless of religion, race, gender or ethnic background; 

(iv) direct provision of assistance to the most disadvantaged in the community;

[See the section of Understanding Social Justice under APPENDIX 5 ]

Democratic Versus Corporate Power - A Changing Relationship, in Power in Australia, Directions for Change, ANU 1982.

The Major Political Parties and Ethnic Affairs: the ALP in Ethnic Politics in Australia, ed. James Jupp, Allen and Unwin, 1984.

Social Justice in the Balance, Seminar, H.V.EVATT Foundation, Sydney, March 1994.

Address on Intellectual Disability, Victorian State Conference for the study of Intellectual Disability, 1994.

Understanding Social Justice in the Australian Context, in M. Kalantzis (ed.) A Fair Go in Education. ACSA, 1995.

A Social Justice Perspective on the Green Paper - Restoring Full Employment, Submission to the Committee on Employment Opportunities, February 1994.

Economic Globalisation and the Need for a New International Policy Response, A Discussion paper circulated as Secretary to the Shadow Ministry to the Labor Parliamentary Caucus.

SOCIAL JUSTICE DISTRIBUTED PAPERS

Democratic Versus Corporate Power – A Changing Relationship, in Power in Australia, Directions for Change, ANU 1982.

The Roles of Government, Business and Trade Unions in Industry, CEDA Seminar, New Directions for Australian Industry Policy, 1985.

Social Justice in the Balance, Seminar, H.V.EVATT Foundation, Sydney, March 1994.

Address on Intellectual Disability, Victorian State Conference for the study of Intellectual Disability, 1994.

Wealth and Income distribution and the Social Wage, Federation of Ethnic Communities, 16th National Conference, November 1995.

A Social Justice Perspective on the Green Paper – Restoring Full Employment, Submission to the Committee on Employment Opportunities, February 1994.

Towards international Social justice and Women’s Rights, A Report on the UN Conference on Population and Development, Cairo, Egypt, September 1994.

Economic Globalisation and the Need for a New International Policy Response, A Discussion paper circulated as Secretary to the Shadow Ministry to the Labor Parliamentary Caucus.

In May 2004, Andrew was involved in the Preparation and Delivery of a Two-Hour Public Lecture/Seminar at Latrobe University, as follows: Poverty and Human Rights in Australia.

On Human Rights, Andrew’s general work was supplemented by the presentation of a Draft Bill of rights to the House of Representatives.

Australian Bill of Rights Introduced in House By Dr Theophanous – a very rare event.

“In honour of this Centenary of Federation, in this year 2001, it is time that Australia’s system of representative democracy takes another big leap forward. It is time for this country to turn its words and international promises into real action, and legislate for an Australian Bill of Rights”. It is with these words that Dr Andrew Theophanous, the Independent Federal Member for Calwell, will introduce the Australian Bill of Rights Bill 2001 into the House of Representatives on March 26.

Since former Prime Minister Hawke’s failed attempt at constitutional reform in 1988, the idea of a Bill of Rights has been avoided as a topic of discussion in the House of Representatives. “After many years of the major parties sweeping this contentious and controversial issue under the carpet, it is time that Australia discusses the need to formally protect the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people in this nation”, Dr Theophanous said.

The Australian Bill of Rights Bill 2001 is designed as a Bill ‘for an Act relating to the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Australians and all people in Australia’ and will entrench into Australian law the major international human rights conventions which Australia has signed and ratified, in particular the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

“The United Nations, and in particular Human Rights Commissioner Mary Robinson, have oft-expressed great displeasure with the fact that Australia is the last remaining significant Western nation to fail to give these international instruments any real force by incorporating them into domestic law. It is time that Australia followed the path laid out by what can only be seen as more enlightened nations, such as New Zealand, South Africa, Canada and the United Kingdom. Aside from this, it is a matter of concern that the protection of fundamental rights is nowhere to be found in the Australian Constitution”, said Dr Theophanous.

The concrete facts surrounding human rights in this country show that even in cases where there are conventions and informal understandings for the protection of rights, those understandings are often not met. “Although by convention in Australia, we are all committed to a society based on equal rights and treatment, nevertheless, in practice, we have many cases of discrimination against people on the basis of race, ethnic background and religious preference. It is often argued that the common law sufficiently protects people's rights; however, as is evidenced in these issues, the common law can not protect all citizens’ rights to the degree that is required”.

“The Parliamentary Library, the Clerk’s Office, and my staff have been instrumental in helping to develop the best possible Bill of Rights to protect the human rights of Australian citizens. For this incredible effort I am extremely grateful. The Bill is based on the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, the Bills of Rights in Canada, South Africa and New Zealand, and the British Human Rights Act, while also maintaining an Australian focus. As such, the Bill embodies within it the finest thinking in relation to the philosophy and protection of human rights”.

“The question now is whether this Bill will attain the necessary political support to see a Bill of Rights entrenched in law as an effective regime for the protection of fundamental rights. It will necessitate political debate with the other major political parties and independents to see if we can achieve a form of words that has the broadest political support. It is, therefore, the responsibility of all those within society concerned with human rights to force a parliamentary debate from a position of conscience rather than party lines and thereby to treat seriously the need for an Australian Bill of Rights. In this year of the centenary of the Federation, Australia has the unique opportunity to adopt a commitment to human rights and entrench in our system of law those principles which should have been adopted long ago”, Dr Theophanous concluded.

These comments on the need for a Bill of Rights are even more relevant today. For an outline of the contents of the Bill, see APPENDIX 1.

Further developments were leading to the independence of Croatia, as Andrew explains in an interview with Ina Vucic in 2016, 25 years after the liberation.

Andrew: “Further developments took place in Croatia in the next 18 months. During that time, I visited Croatia on two more occasions and had the honour of meeting President Tudjman again on those occasions. I reported all these meetings to the Australian Government and to major rallies of Croatian people in Melbourne, Sydney, Canberra and other places in Australia. These rallies were very important because, in this way, we brought increasing pressure for the recognition of Croatia.

Question: “Australia was one of the first non-European countries to recognise Croatia as a sovereign and independent state on 16 January 1992, and indeed, I recall your announcement of the fact at a gala function held by the Croatian community at the Regent Hotel, Sydney the same evening. Could you please share with us any conversation you may have had with the Australian Prime Minister on that day?”

Andrew: “Prime Minister Keating rang me at 5 am that morning; the decision had been taken very late in the night by the Cabinet. I was probably the first person outside the Cabinet in Australia to know what had happened. Prime Minister Keating knew of and respected my interest and dedication to this cause. He wanted me to be able to convey this news to the Croatian community. I immediately rang the President of the Croatian Federation and several other major Croatian community leaders to tell of the news.

I was very happy to be able to announce the news at the function. This was a remarkable achievement for the Croatian community and the Parliamentary Group. It should be remembered that there was considerable opposition within parliament to this step taken by the Keating government. This is because there was still the idea in the foreign ministries of Australia and the United States that they should still attempt to keep Yugoslavia together – rather than recognise the march of history and the necessity for the Croatian people to have their independence. As it was, the Parliamentary Group and the Croatian community in Australia were extremely happy. We certainly celebrated that night in Sydney”.

For a full Discussion of the Role of Dr Theophanous in the Independence struggle for Croatia and his reflections on the development of the Croatian nation after the first 25 Years, see an extensive interview with Ina Vukic in 2016 [APPENDIX 3]

• ANDREW’S WORK ON THE CRISIS IN BOSNIA HERCEGOVINA

During his dramatic visit to Zagreb, he received a phone call from President Izetbegovic in Sarajevo, who invited him to attend the first National Conference of the Muslim Party, the SDA, in December 1991 and to discuss with him in detail what was happening in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was thus that Andrew decided to embark on a mission visiting Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia and Slovenia in order to see whether there was any hope of a peaceful resolution to the Bosnian crisis. Besides Sarajevo, Andrew visited Belgrade, Zagreb and Lubjiana and spoke with Ministers in Serbia, with President Tudjman and President Kucan respectively, as well as many other leaders. In all of these meetings, the view was pessimistic about preventing a war in Bosnia unless there was involvement by the international community.

Dr Theophanous undertook an important visit to Bosnia three weeks before the war broke out at the end of 1991. The circumstances of that visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina were very interesting. In August 1991, Andrew visited Croatia at the invitation of President Tudjman because he was then President of the Australian Parliamentarians Group for the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia. During that dramatic visit to Zagreb, he received a phone call from President Izetbegovic in Sarajevo, who invited him to attend the first National Conference of the Muslim Party, the SDA, in December 1991 and to discuss with him in detail what was happening in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was thus that Andrew decided to embark on a mission visiting Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia and Slovenia in order to see whether there was any hope of a peaceful resolution to the Bosnian crisis.

Besides Sarajevo, Andrew visited Belgrade, Zagreb and Lubjiana, and spoke with Ministers in Serbia, with President Tudjman and with President Kucan, respectively, as well as many other leaders. In all of these meetings, the view was pessimistic about preventing a war in Bosnia unless there was involvement by the international community.

As it turned out, Andrew was the only western MP at the conference in Sarajevo. At that time, he had discussions with all three parties of the Bosnian conflict, with Izetbegovic himself, with the Croatian parties and Mr Karadzic, the Serbian leader (who was very dogmatic in his views). In all this, Andrew was looking at whether there was any possibility of finding some way that would have prevented a war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After all these discussions, Dr Theophanous became very frightened about the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as it seemed they were heading towards the possibility of a dreadful war. On 4 December 1991, Andrew issued a statement in Zagreb, which was also issued in Australia and which warned: “the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was in danger of exploding into a bloody civil war far worse than Croatia unless the international community acted quickly to solve the crisis".

Unfortunately, the events which ensued were more bloody and barbarous than even Andrew had feared. Within months following the declaration of independence by President Izetbegovic, the world witnessed a tragic civil war with hundreds of thousands of people killed, tens of thousands of people tortured and raped, and more than a million people displaced, either within the state itself, or in many countries outside of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This outrageous situation was allowed to continue while we witnessed the inability of the international community to do very much about the crisis. The failure of the United Nations and the European powers on this issue was comprehensive; there was a failure to achieve any kind of negotiated settlement and a failure to do anything to protect innocent people from attack on the ground.

The deadly and terrible doctrine of ethnic cleansing was put into practice in a way that should shame us—the whole international community. The tribulations that the refugees suffered themselves tell a story of horror unparalleled in Europe since the Second World War. Andrew personally witnessed some of the refugees revealing these tragedies when he visited the Bosnian refugee camps in Slovenia, Hungary and Croatia in August 1992. Upon his return from that visit, Andrew wrote a letter to the Australian Prime Minister in which I made the following observations:

“I spent several hours talking to the refugees at these camps. I am shocked at the stories of brutality, torture and human degradation that they told.

Some of these people had escaped from the concentration camps in Bosnia, which have been shown worldwide on television. Others had been herded into railway carriages, which had been previously used by cattle, transported to the edges of the Republic and forced at the point of a gun to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina. Women told of stories where they and their teenage daughters had been raped. Many people were eyewitnesses to the cold-blooded murder of civilians, including children. One group of women and children were separated from their husbands, who were taken to the concentration camps, while they were then raped and put on a truck and sent towards the border of Croatia.

These traumatised and abandoned people are now in overcrowded refugee camps in Croatia, Slovenia and Hungary.

However, these three nations have struggling economies and are finding it increasingly difficult to cope with the pressure of the refugees. The leaders of each of these nations have called on the international community for additional help with the refugees. Every Minister and official that I spoke with on the crisis repeated this plea for assistance.

Because of these representations, I am writing to you to seek additional assistance from the Australian Government. I believe that we should consider some way of supplementing our monetary assistance by directly channelling funds and, if possible, some supplies to the people living in these camps. In addition, I believe that our Government should consider extending the humanitarian component of the refugee program to include more people from Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially people with relatives in Australia and extremely needy cases such as abandoned children”.

[For a comprehensive version of this report, see APPENDIX 4 ]

• ANDREW’S WORK SEEKING A RESOLUTION OF THE CYPRUS CONFLICT

On various occasions, Andrew visited Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, seeking to assist in the resolution of the Cyprus crisis. Up to 1997, he undertook various diplomatic visits to Cyprus, encouraging both sides to reach a resolution of the Crisis. He produced a report on the situation which concluded thus:

The Need for Goodwill amongst Ethnic Leaders in Cyprus

The crisis in Cyprus can only continue on a positive path if there is goodwill between the leaders of the two ethnic groups in the society. Such goodwill, however, needs to be based on the real possibility of good relations existing between the Greek and Turkish people. This was the message that I sought to take to Cyprus in my recent visit in April. During that visit, I had several meetings with Gustav Feissel who until recently was the representative of the Secretary General of the UN in Cyprus and who was for years involved in trying to resolve the crisis. In my first meeting with Mr Feissel, I stressed the fact that Australia provided a good example of how the two communities can live together; Greek and Turkish Australians have built strong links in Australia. I explained to Feissel how we were able in Australia to bring Greek and Turkish people to cooperate and work together, and how this was a good example of what could be done in Cyprus itself.

After the meeting, Feissel said to the television and other media that he thought that the example that we had set in Australia, was an excellent one. He noted that my constituency consists of both Greeks and Turks and pointed out that “he has been elected by both, which shows he must have a magic touch. I am trying to find out what that is”. This was reported in The Cyprus Weekly on 17/4/98 under the heading, ‘Greek, Turkish Australians call for change of climate’. It stated that I had “conveyed a message from Greeks and Turks living in Australia for a change in the current negative climate concerning the Cyprus problem”.

(See full report in APPENDIX 2)

Andrew in discussions on the Cyprus issue with the President of Cyprus, His Excellency Glafkos Clerides during a special diplomatic mission to Cyprus in 1998.

In 1998, Andrew undertook a special diplomatic Visit to Cyprus, meeting both Greek and Turkish leaders – with the assistance of the Australian High Commissioner and the UN Special Envoy in Cyprus. In a secret mission, he visited the north side of the Island and discussed a detailed Plan for a solution with MR Denktash, leader of the Turkish Cypriots. The details were as follows:

ON A CONFIDENTIAL MISSION WITHIN CYPRUS in 1998 undertaken by Dr Andrew Theophanous, MP

It can now be publicly revealed that in April 1998, Dr Andrew Theophanous crossed the Green Line three times in Nicosia and held secret talks with Mr Denktash and other Turkish Cypriot leaders, including the later Turkish Cypriot leader Mr Talat. On each trip, he was accompanied by the Australian High Commissioner to Cyprus. He went with the approval of President Clerides and the United Nations representative in Cyprus, Mr Faissel.

At this time, a major stalemate had occurred in Cyprus and negotiations had effectively broken down. Dr Theophanous carried with him important new proposals for a solution, which had been discussed at length with Mr Clerides and Mr Faissel. The proposals were also the subject of detailed discussions between Dr Theophanous and leaders in Northern Cyprus.

The proposals would have made significant concessions to the Turkish side in order to secure a solution. They were accepted in principle by Mr Clerides, but unfortunately, they were rejected by Mr Denktash. [Significantly, Mr Talat at that time accepted the proposals in principle – but he was not a leader then].

This incident was one of a number of cases during the Presidency of Mr Clerides when significant concessions were offered to the Turkish side, but were rejected by Mr Denktash.

Yet in 2005, the Anan Plan was endorsed by Mr Denktash and Turkey. It contained similar [but not the same] concessions as those discussed with Dr Theophanous in 1998.

This raises a number of questions, such as:

Why did Mr Denktash not accept the 1998 confidential proposals and other similar initiatives from President Clerides – given his later acceptance of the Anan Plan?

Why did Mr Denktash accept the Anan Plan, whose central themes he had previously rejected?

Did the Greek Cypriots, in rejecting the Anan Plan, doubt the motives and sincerity of Mr Denktash, given that he had rejected similar proposals in the past?

Can we learn something from these experiences as to why negotiations in Cyprus keep failing?

In a confidential report to the Australian Government, Andrew outlined the nature of the proposals of 1998. This included his discussions with the United Nations, the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders, the reasons why the proposals did not succeed, and why he believed that the negotiations kept failing. Unfortunately, the negotiations keep breaking down to this day.

Andrew Meeting with MP Dimitris Christofias in Nicosia. He later became President of Cyprus.

Attended Australian and Pacific Parliamentary Seminar, Canberra, Hobart, Wellington, Apia, September 1982.

Member, Commonwealth Parliamentary Delegation to the Australian Constitutional Convention, Adelaide, April 1983.

Attended 72nd IPU Conference, Geneva, September 1984.

Member, Joint Parliamentary Committee for Foreign Affairs and Defence Delegation to China, September 1986.

Visit to refugee camps on the Thai/Kampuchean border as Chairperson, Government Immigration and Ethnic Affairs Committee, January 1987.

Official visit to Greece and Cyprus, August 1987.

Member, Australian Human Rights Fact Finding Mission to the Philippines, November 1987.

Member, South Pacific Fact-Finding Mission, 1988.

Member, Parliamentary Delegation to European Parliamentary Institutions, Brussels and Strasbourg; and visit to Cyprus and Portugal, September-October 1989. (Delegation Leader for part of the visit).

Official visits as Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister to Marshall Islands, August 1993; New Zealand, August 1994; Egypt and Cyprus, September 1994; New Zealand, December 1995.

Member, Parliamentary Delegation to European Parliamentary Institutions, France and Belgium, and bilateral visits to the UK (Northern Ireland) and Republic of Ireland, September-October 1996.

Leader, Parliamentary Delegation to Iran, Jordan, Egypt and Israel, October-November 1992.

Official visits to Marshall Islands, August 1993.

Official visits to Egypt and Cyprus, September 1994.

Official visits to New Zealand, December 1995.

Member, Parliamentary Delegation to European Parliamentary Institutions, France and Belgium, and bilateral visits to the UK (Northern Ireland) and Republic of Ireland, September-October 1996.

Study tour, Cyprus, Germany, UK, Croatia and Bosnia, April-May 1998.

Member, Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade visit to Papua New Guinea, March 1999.

Study tour, Cyprus, Greece, Hungary, Croatia and Romania, October-November 2000.

Arab-Israeli conflict: dealing with the essence of the problem, at After the Gulf War: A Middle east conference, United Nations Association and Jewish Democratic Society, July 1991.

In August 2004, Andrew was involved in the Preparation and Delivery of a Two Hour Public Lecture/Seminar for Latrobe University, as follows: Globalisation and the Rise in Religious Conflict.

Andrew has promoted Education, Health, Welfare, Industry Development, Multiculturalism and Environmental Protection in the range of suburbs he has represented in the North and West of Melbourne. This has included Andrew's promotion of a large range of local infrastructure projects and support of community issues. The following items and photos illustrate these activities:

EXAMPLE 1: Below: Andrew consistently supported campaigns to achieve an overhead or an undergrounding so as to get rid of the railway crossing at S Albans station- which was creating huge problems. Here is a protest outside the parliament of Victoria.

EXAMPLE 2: Andrew strongly supported grants to the local councils in Calwell – Hume and Brimbank. He lobbied when funds were not enough.

PRESS RELEASE

GOVERNMENT INCREASE IN GRANTS TO BRIMBANK COUNCIL ‘NOT GOOD ENOUGH’ - THEOPHANOUS

While welcoming the increased grants to the City of Brimbank in the latest round, Dr Andrew Theophanous, the Federal Member for Calwell, said that these grants are not enough.

“The City of Brimbank will receive an extra $844,465, which is but a drop in the ocean considering the needs of the entire Council area”, Dr Theophanous said.

“The reason why this small increase is not sufficient is because the City of Brimbank is one of the fastest growing municipalities in Victoria and in great need to provide for the expanding infrastructure and service needs to meet the community’s expectations.

“Furthermore, the welfare needs of the City of Brimbank are extremely high, especially the need to deal with the wide variety of problems created by unemployment.

“The increase in road funding is not adequate, especially in view of Victoria’s low base-level of road funds in proportion to its contribution to the national pool.

“Victoria contributes 25 per cent of the nation's fuel excise revenue, accounts for 25 per cent of national road usage and an even higher proportion of economic activity, yet receives only 15 per cent of Federal road funding. “That means that for every dollar Victorian motorists spend at the petrol pump, Canberra reaps 43 cents in revenue, but Victoria gets just 4 cents to spend on its roads and bridges.

Dr Theophanous wishes to acknowledge the campaign of the Municipal Association of Victoria through the Victorian Road Funding Alliance to highlight the lack of suitable funds for this needy area.

“It is not only Victorian Local Government that is affected by the inequity of the current distribution of road funds but business, industry and the community. We must all come together to fight Canberra for a fairer road funding deal for this State.

Example 3: LOCAL EDUCATION As the Federal MP for Calwell, Andrew visited many schools in the electorate and gave many speeches. Here, he is with students from a local school, presenting an Australian flag to them.

EXAMPLE 4: During his period in parliament, Andrew also promoted tertiary education, including the building of the TAFE College in St Albans and the activities and funding of TAFE in Broadmeadows. Below, he is acknowledging the great results of the latter college.

SPECTACULAR KANGAN BATMAN TAFE RESULTS - IT

Students Win Medals August 17, 2000 Kangan Batman TAFE students have achieved the following results at the Work Skills Olympics since 1992:

• Gold Medallion at State Level - 5 times

• Gold Medallion at National Level - Twice

• Bronze Medallion at International Level - once

These results reflect the very high quality of Information Technology courses at Kangan Batman TAFE. They show the very positive things happening in this area of education in Broadmeadows. Dr Theophanous has congratulated the Head of Kangan Batman TAFE, Mr John Parrish, for these excellent achievements, which have meant that there is a significant queue of people waiting to come to Broadmeadows to study these courses.

Dr Theophanous has also initiated an important meeting between the TAFE College and the Ericsson telecommunications company, with the aim of ensuring that students can gain employment at the conclusion of their courses and that TAFE courses can be tailored to meet the special needs of high-tech industries such as Ericsson which are important in this region. This meeting, between executives of Ericsson and Kangan Batman TAFE, together with Dr Theophanous and Mr Ian Fry of the Calwell Community Promotion Committee, was held on Monday, March 18.

EXAMPLE 5: Andrew used his electorate office on many occasions to organise meetings with the local community on many important issues, such as employment, education, health and social welfare. Here is a meeting with locals at his office in Broadmeadows: